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Israel Kills Entire Family at Breakfast

While the Abu Mu’attaq family in the northern town of Beit Hanoun was having breakfast, Israeli tanks shelled their house. The mother, Khadra Abu Mu’attaq, and her children, 8 year -old Ahmed, three-year-old Hana, four-year-old Salih, six-year-old Rudayna, in addition to 17-year-old Ayyoub Atalla, who was on his way to school, died on the spot.

israeli violence

 

This latest war crime comes at a time while the Gaza Strip has been witnessing the worst of its time since it was occupied in 1967. The heinous siege imposed on it has so far led to the killing of 140 terminally ill patients that were denied permits by the Israeli Occupation Forces to be treated in West Bank hospitals. The severe shortages in fuel, electricity, medicine, water, food, amongst other things, have transformed the Strip into a waste land.

Without the international conspiracy of silence and Arab and Islamic indifference to the suffering of the people of Gaza, Israel would not have been able to carry out its slow genocide. Silence is complicity. An immediate step to break this medieval siege is, therefore, needed before the implementation of the Israeli plan to totally annihilate the Palestinians off Gaza. Conscientious and freedom loving people have more responsibilities in making their voice against the Israeli war crimes heard before it is too late.

 

www.insight-info.com

April 29, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | Israel, Palestine, politics | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 2 Comments

Keep the Boycott Alive

Alert: Denmark Lost With your Efforts
Great news
 
denmark flag
Hope you all know about the Denmark newspaper who made fun upon our beloved Prophet and till now they never regret… let us make them
 regret for all time…
 
The Denmark ambassador, prime minister and Denmark channel they all
 try to do something just to stop the boycott made by Muslims last
 month, by which their losses has reached to 2 billion Euro. If we
 continue to boycott Denmark products after 7 months it could reach
 around 40 billion Euro’s destruction.
 
Dear brothers, if you love your Prophet please spread the news to all your friends you know in order to rise up our spirit and warning Denmark and other hostile nations towards Islam, we Muslim are united and not easy to break against any one who think to harm or insult Almighty’s messenger peace be upon him.
 
Believers do not let this message stop in your PC.

April 29, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | politics | , , , , , , , , | 3 Comments

Requesting Articles regarding saving the Iraqi Nation

In His name, the Most High

Requesting Articles regarding saving the Iraqi Nation

Occupation

 

Iraq, which is one of the most important Islamic countries in the Middle East is going through important political and military changes. The most effective role in these changes is played by the American occupying forces.

America wants to steal Iraq’s natural resources, create safety for Israel, and have continuously control and put pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran through their complicated and deceptive plans of giving calculated benefits to Iraq causing the limitation and control of that country. They want to have an eternal military presence in Iraq. This is the same thing that they did after their victories in World War II against Japan, South Korea, the Philipines, and Germany.

In these sensitive conditions, America wants to profit the most with spending the absolute minimum. The most important issues for them are protecting the power of influence, their international status, and put their imperialistic power into the various countries of the world.

From the beginning the American invasion of Iraq was not accepted internationally and therefore, the continuation of the occupation and all of their movements or decisions are illegal.

America broke international treaties and United Nation’s resolutions by attacking Iraq, occupying Iraq, stealing the natural resources of Iraq, and destroying the economic, political, military, and cultural foundations of Iraq. And all this continues.

In this sensitive time which is a new chapter in the developments of the Middle East, and is a time where any change in Iraq has direct and deep military, security, political, economical, and cultural effects on our country - it is necessary for scholars, free thinkers, political and social figures, research centers, and internal and external propagational organizations to research the developments especially from the standpoint of international law.

America, with the enormous pressure that it puts on the Security Council has placed Iraq since the Ba’athist government in the United Nation’s Security Council’s seventh section of punishments. But even though Sadddam and the Ba’athist party fell and the Iraqi government changed these punishments still continue. The present Iraqi government which was elected through a democracy still faces the pressures and punishments that Saddam’s government faced. America uses these punishments to put pressure on the Iraqi government and through that make sure that their plans are implemented.

Because of these sensitive conditions and America’s plans to have complete control over the oppressed Iraqi nation and to give it legitimacy by moving on to other Islamic countries in the region. Here, we are requesting articles presenting your opinions and your legal and political suggestions regarding one of the following subjects. The articles will be published and given to the media. Send them to the addresses mentioned below.

1. What legal base did the punishments given to the Iraqi government during the reign of Saddam Hussein by the Security Council have? Did they deal with Iraq in accordance to international law?

2. Was it not possible to put an end to these punishments and to take Iraq out of the seventh section when the Ba’athist government was changed? How is the continuance of this situation in congruence with international law?

3. How is the Iraqi government supposed to legally free itself from this condition?

4. What law did America and its allies in the Security Council rely on to continue the punishments given to Iraq?

5. What effects does the occupation of Iraq have on taking Iraq out of the seventh section or keeping them in it? How do the occupiers use this to their advantage?

6. What connection does stopping the punishments have and taking Iraq off of the seventh section with the end of the war, specifying a time-table exiting the soldier from Iraq, and establishing a military base in Iraq? Is this connection in congruence to international law?

 

7. Did the attack on Iraq and its occupation have a legal base?

8. What international law is the occupation of Iraq based on? How can one use international law to put an end to the occupation of Iraq?

These articles must be completed in the fastest time possible and will be rewarded with exceptional prizes and payments.

Sina Media Institute
Lawyers without borders

e-mails:

info@paliru.com
Inst-sina@yahoo.com
wetmaster@insight-info.com
info@aphaq.com 
azar5236@yahoo.com

www.insight-info.com
www.aphaq.com

 

April 28, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | america, iraq, politics | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | No Comments

Countering Palestine Solidarity Work in Canada

humanitarianism

 

Words wreak havoc when they find a name for what had up to then been lived namelessly” – Jean Paul Sartre Over the past several months of 2008, Israel advocacy organizations have entered a period of ongoing mobilization in an effort to decisively counter what they see as the growing influence and impact of the Palestine solidarity movement. After spending years trying to find its footing in the aftermath of the Oslo Accords, the Palestine solidarity movement has found a new strategic focus with the emergence of the campaign for boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS), which has effectively shifted the terms of the Israel-Palestine debate and presented a clear analysis of the apartheid reality facing Palestinians. These shifts have thrown the mainstream Zionist movement into a state of crisis as it finds itself unable to effectively counter the charge of apartheid. In addition, Zionist organizations find themselves increasingly isolated (with the exception of right-wing, conservative and Christian evangelical circles) as the solidarity movement continues to gain traction amongst an ever larger spectrum of audiences and organizations. It is against this backdrop that a divided Zionist movement is seeking ways to reverse their organizational and ideological disarray. Most significantly, the emergence of this repressive trend directed at Palestine solidarity work is converging with a broader targeting of students who are active in other struggles. Shifting Solidarity: The Development of a New Politics in the Aftermath of Oslo The onset of the second Intifada in September 2000 open the eyes of many who had up until then still harboured illusions as to the nature of the Oslo process. Far from leading to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, the “process” merely served to distract from the ongoing colonization of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Instead of a winding down of the occupation, the matrix of Israeli control intensified. Land continued to be expropriated, Palestinian population centers were increasingly isolated and surrounded by expanding settlements, and life remained regimented by hundreds of Israeli checkpoints. These developments were aided by the destruction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as a fighting force. Since the late-1960s the PLO had been the driving force behind Palestinian nationalism. Almost overnight, however, it ceased to be a vehicle of resistance and liberation, busying itself with “running the world’s most highly publicized municipalities,” as Eqbal Ahmed accurately noted. With Oslo, the focus of the Palestinian struggle narrowed from resisting the advances of a settler-colonial state to one of accommodation and “state building” in West Bank and Gaza Strip. This accommodation with Zionism sidelined the efforts of refugees and represented a retreat from the fundamental demand of the Palestinian national movement: the right of return to lands from which they were expelled in 1948. The demand for the right of return had united and linked a dispersed nation – those in exile abroad and in the refugee camps of the neighbouring Arab states, those living under Israeli occupation, as well as Palestinians living inside what became Israel – under a common political platform. The more recent demand for an end to Israeli occupation and the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, formalized in 1988 – sidelined the core issue of the conflict and in the process it marginalized all those not residing in the occupied territories. It was into the political vacuum created by the destruction of the PLO and the marginalization of the refugees that a new generation of Palestinian organizers has made its mark. Under their leadership, the solidarity movement has moved beyond the narrow confines of the `occupation framework’ imposed on it since 1993 towards a more holistic understanding of the contours of Israeli apartheid. This fuller understanding of the actual situation confronting the Palestinian people has opened up new possibilities for effective solidarity. Integral to this shift in emphasis was the placing of Palestinian experiences and perspectives at the core of solidarity organizing. Over the next few years, activists new to the movement were introduced to it through an unambiguously anti-Zionist lens in which Israel was located through the prism of history as a product of European settler colonialism. When compared to similar colonial enterprises that developed in South Africa and North America, a new understanding began to emerge as to the roots and dimensions of the conflict, as well as steps that needed to be taken in order challenge it. These political developments began to coalesce in 2005 with the call from Palestinian civil society for a comprehensive campaign of isolation through the use of BDS. Modeled after the struggle against South African apartheid, the call highlighted the dependent nature of the Israeli state. The BDS call was not a new strategy. Rather, it expressed in new language a position that the Palestinian left has advanced for decades: there should be no normalization of relationships with the oppressor. It was correctly understood that the Israeli system could not retain its Zionist character against indigenous resistance were it not for its international bases of support. The swift and determined response from solidarity organizations and international civil society to the call caught Israel advocacy organizations off guard, as they were increasingly forced to respond to grassroots initiatives undertaken to isolate the Israeli state. As time went on and the Palestine solidarity movement grew in strength, it has become clear that this movement increasingly represents a real and effective challenge to Israel’s Canadian base of support. Contention in the Universities To a large extent what informs the pro-apartheid effort to counter the anti-apartheid work being done by Palestine solidarity activists is the perception that time is “running out.” Throughout the world more and more people are coming towards an accurate understanding of the Israel-Palestine conflict. They are in turn translating that understanding into various forms of political action. Significantly, on the campuses and in the wider public, Israeli apartheid is now increasingly spoken of as a concrete reality, and not merely as an opinion or slogan. This new found clarity as to the nature of the political problem surrounding the `question of Palestine’ is precisely what the Zionist movement is opposing. Using a variety of tactics, it aims to silence, repress, diffuse and divert the efforts of those who have taken a principled stand in support of Palestine (and who have thereby questioned the ongoing legitimacy of Israel’s apartheid project). This is seen most clearly on the campuses. As was the case with the emergence of the movement to isolate apartheid South Africa, it has been until very recently student organizations that have taken the lead in agitating for Palestinian liberation. The struggle on the campuses initially took the form of building awareness as to the nature of the Israeli state, its negation of Palestinian rights, and of its brutal suppression of the Intifada. In time these efforts shifted more towards researching and organizing against the campus institutions that were complicit in sustaining the structures of apartheid in Palestine, efforts that were given an added push after the call for the BDS campaign in 2005. Key to the student movement’s successful growth was a new proactive form of activism. This activism not only seeks to respond to this or that event, but to push an analysis, open debate and move toward action. An example of this proactive approach to organizing was the development of Israeli Apartheid Week. First undertaken at the University of Toronto in 2005 to introduce to the public the apartheid analysis, it has since spread to 25 cities around the world with South Africa and Palestine participating in 2008. This remarkable growth, tied to an increasingly coordinated and successful campaign for an academic boycott of Israeli institutions, has caused a visceral panic among Zionist organizations. After initially attempting to ignore and downplay the significance of this movement, these organizations have turned to a more direct policy of repression, intimidation and bureaucratic threats against campus activists. This was given its first articulation in the summer of 2007, when the presidents of over 20 Canadian universities unilaterally issued statements opposing an academic boycott of Israeli academic institutions. The publication of these letters (prominently reported on university websites and in major Canadian newspapers) followed the passing of a pro-boycott resolution by academic unions in the UK. It was clearly a co-ordinated and pre-emptive move by the Zionist movement against similar resolutions in Canada. Taking place as it did in the summer, it can only be assumed that that moment was chosen so as to neutralize student criticism and opposition. Nevertheless, student groups responded in a clever and effective manner to this bureaucratic attempt to shut-down debate before it had even begun. Students on many campuses raised the call for an open and honest debate on the question of an academic boycott. If, the students argued, university presidents were seriously committed to the principles of `free speech’, then why did they act to unilaterally silence any debate on Israeli policies and the responsibility of academia? A very important victory in this regard was won at Ryerson University, Toronto, where a progressive student association – working in alliance with student groups on campus – was able to win the President’s support for a debate on academic boycott. Over 600 Ryerson community members turned out to hear the debate which was resoundingly and convincingly won by the anti-apartheid side. The Ryerson victory was soon followed by the most successful series of Israeli Apartheid Week (IAW) events since the week began in 2005. Exceeding all expectations, over 2000 people attended IAW events in Toronto (events also happened in Montreal, Ottawa, Vancouver, Victoria, Peterborough, and New Brunswick). The Zionist response to IAW was confused and marked by incompetence. Pro-Israel organizations attacked the week in paid full-page advertisements in national newspapers (including one in the National Post that accused IAW organizers of being “anti-Semantic” [sic]). Campus newspapers across the country were filled with advertisements, reminiscent of the South African apartheid regime, proclaiming the supposed `democratic’ and `multicultural’ virtues of Israel. In Ottawa, the Israeli ambassador to Canada organized a public forum to speak against IAW. The meeting was poorly attended and he was convincingly shamed by audience members. On some campuses, Zionist groups attempted to organize counter-events but these were poorly attended and by their own admission failed miserably. At the University of Toronto, for example, a Zionist event that promised a free, hard-cover book on Israel to the first 50 audience members had only 12 people in attendance. At exactly the same time, over 300 people packed a university auditorium for the IAW lecture. A pro-apartheid demonstration organized by the far-right Jewish Defense League on the first night of Israeli Apartheid week at Ryerson University attracted a meager 25 individuals, while, at the same time, over 350 people attended the IAW lecture that night. Embracing Repression Following the success of IAW, the Zionist movement has moved to openly embrace a strategy of repression against student activists. This strategy of repression is combined with bureaucratic attempts to prevent students from organizing politically, restricting the use of university space, or shutting-down speeches about Palestine. It is absolutely critical for left and progressive movements across Canada to recognize this trend and to organize openly against it. One of the most shocking indications of this repressive atmosphere is a campaign by Zionist organizations to convince university administrations to ban the phrase “Israeli Apartheid”. At McMaster University in Hamilton, for example, students organizing IAW events on their campuses were issued with a letter from the Provost office informing them that the university had banned the term “Israeli Apartheid” from use by student clubs. This effectively ended their participation in the week as they were then barred from attaining the necessary approval to advertise, book rooms, etc. A massive mobilization by students and community allies forced the university to backtrack from this position. Nevertheless, letters and articles by Zionist organizations and supporters continue to appear in local Hamilton newspapers calling for further repression. At the University of Toronto, 125 faculty members published an open letter in the National Post stating their opposition to Israeli Apartheid Week at “their” institution, requesting “that the administration stop this hateful and divisive event from returning to our University in future years.” The Israel advocacy organizations were quick to applaud this latest attack on student’s freedom of speech and right to organize. Foremost among the voices calling for repression was Avi Benlolo of the Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Centre who explained his organization’s hope “that faculty at other universities across Canada and around the world follow in their footsteps and present a united front in opposing the hatred” supposedly evidenced at IAW. That these academics would openly call for this type of McCarthyite response to a phrase that is widely accepted in academic and other settings, indicates both the fear which the Zionist movement has of the new anti-apartheid struggle and the measures to which they are willing to go to prevent this struggle from growing. At York University, where the past few years have seen Palestine solidarity activists arrested and arbitrarily expelled for their efforts, as well as confronted with a number of disciplinary and administrative measures to curtail activism on campus, Students Against Israeli Apartheid (SAIA) were recently fined $150 for tabling after complaints were filed by students affiliated with the several Zionist organizations active on campus. Included in the university administration’s decision was a 30 day ban of SAIA using any of the university’s facilities and space for organizing, even tabling information. The complaints against SAIA were issued by students from on campus Zionist organizations, namely executive members of the Hasbara Fellowship at York. This organization, which recently made inroads into Canadian universities, was founded in 2001 in conjunction with the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its express purpose is to train students to be “effective pro-Israel activists on their campuses.” Every summer, hundreds of students are brought to Israel, given access to high ranking Israeli officials, and “return to their campuses as leaders in the fight for Israel’s image” their website states. What this “fight” translates to when it is put into practice by this wing of the Zionist movement is a campaign comprised largely of intimidation, slander, threats and repression. Those engaged in tabling efforts are routinely swarmed by Zionist students who attempt to engage in shouting matches and distract activists from directly engaging with the broader student body. Often, when this fails, they make politically charged complaints to administration officials, who as in the case of York prove only too willing to respond with fines, disciplinary proceedings, and other punitive measures. The `Liberal’ Zionist Response Aside from repression and raising bureaucratic barriers to organizing, the liberal faction of the Zionist movement also seeks to provide its own `alternatives’ to Palestine activism. It is critical to understand this wing of the Zionist movement as an integral feature of the repressive strategy. Both the `liberal’ and `right-wing’ faces of Zionism need to be understood as two-sides of the same coin. They act to sustain and support each other and need to be actively opposed by anyone concerned with real justice. As Dan Freeman-Maloy, a student activist at York recently noted, one way in which this relationship works is through using one or another right-wing organization to “make displays of Palestine solidarity on campus appear as unproductive shouting matches.” The intent being that, having created the shouting matches, “the way is clear for seemingly more moderate Israel advocates to chime in to say that all this shouting is unproductive, and that anger regarding Israeli state policy is best diffused through one or another ineffectual channel.” An excellent example of this in 2008 has been Hillel’s Peacemaker computer game that was toured around during Israeli Apartheid Week. The game had as its goal “for the player, taking on the role as either an Israeli of Palestinian leader, to achieve peace.” Tilley Shames, associate director of Hillel GTA, noted: “Our intention is to have it on three different campuses during the [IAW] week in very public spaces so students can come together and try their hand at peace…It shows that these are really complex issues that can’t be narrowed down to slogans.” Yet, for all its supposed complexity, the organizers are confident that the issues are somehow able to be narrowed down to a poorly designed computer game with bad politics. The call for `dialogue’ is the precise complement to Zionist repression. Presenting the struggle for justice in Palestine as a `complex problem’ requiring `painful compromises on both sides’ is designed to obfuscate the relationship between the oppressor and oppressed. No-one (at least today) would argue that South African Apartheid was simply a misunderstanding between blacks and whites: it was a system of oppression designed to institutionalize racial oppression. Standing for justice means taking sides and being prepared to work to end the root cause of the problem. The empty calls for `dialogue’ and `peace’ do precisely the opposite: they serve to equate the oppressor and oppressed and thereby sanction the status quo. By refusing to take a clear stand against racism and oppression the advocates of dialogue actually DO choose which side of the fence they stand. The call for dialogue is also intended to paint those who do take a clear stand for justice as `extremists’ who should be feared and isolated. That is why the kind of dialogue advocated by Shames and others helps to justify and maintain the repression of Palestinian activists on campus and elsewhere. In contrast, the call for boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israeli apartheid works to undermine this type of ideological subterfuge. The BDS strategy clearly identifies the root cause of the problem and helps people to understand that any kind of relationship with the structures of Israeli Apartheid is morally wrong. Isolation of the apartheid regime in Israel is actually the fastest route to peace and justice. Beyond the Campuses: Rebranding the Apartheid State As the anti-apartheid movement has grown, it has moved from the campuses and into the broader community. High school students, faith organizations, labour unions and community associations are now playing an increasingly active role in supporting Palestinian rights. Israel advocacy organizations, which have traditionally controlled the discussion of Israel-Palestine in the public realm, are also undertaking new efforts to block the advances of the solidarity movement beyond the campuses. A two-day “brainstorming” session was held in Toronto this past March as part of a $4 million project to “rebrand” Israel. Organized by the Israeli Foreign Ministry and attended by the leadership from the Canadian Jewish Congress, Canada-Israel Committee, the UJA Federation of Greater Toronto and Hillel among others, the campaign seeks to present a presumably more `accurate picture of Israel’ by getting Canadians to think of Israel outside the “narrow prism of the Arab-Israeli conflict.” The necessity of diverting the attention of Canadians away from the core issues of the conflict was clearly explained by Israel’s consul general to Toronto, Amir Gissin during a recent event organized by the Canadian Friends of Peace Now and National Jewish Campus Life. “What is becoming more and more critical” Gissan noted, was the ability of Israel’s critics “to present Israel or brand Israel as the new South Africa…to brand Israel an apartheid state.” Also worrisome in his view was the tendency of the solidarity movement to call for “a one-state solution rather than a two-state solution.” Lest anyone confuse the nature of the Ministry’s campaign, Ido Aharoni, founder of the “Brand Israel” concept and head of the ministry’s brand management team highlighted what was on the line. Speaking to the Toronto Star, Aharoni explained that “a better image for Israel and a better performance of that image is part and parcel with Israel’s national security. Contrary to popular belief, national security is not just based on military power; it’s also a strong economy and a strong image.” Both of which have been undermined internationally. Aside from public relations to rebrand Israel there is also a growing effort to rebrand those engaged in Palestine solidarity organizing. Attempts have been made and a great deal of money spent to portray the solidarity movement as unduly divisive, encouraging anti-Semitism and classify our anti-racist activism and messaging as `hate speech.’ After an anti-Semitic incident at York University, Frank Dimant, the Executive Vice President of B’nai Birth attempted to tie Israeli Apartheid Week to the perceived `growth’ of anti-Semitism. “Poisonous messages of this nature, infused with hate and violence, does not occur in a vacuum,” he was keen to note. Referring to IAW, Dimant argues that “once a university has lent its premises to an event that promotes hate against one segment of its student body, it is predictable that other acts of hate will likely follow.” Other Zionist leaders were quick to follow this line without ever specifying what it was about IAW exactly that promoted `hate’. It was further disclosed some time ago in the Jewish Tribune, the publication of B’nai Birth, that efforts were underway to open police investigations on those using the term apartheid, and to have solidarity organizations brought before the Ontario Human Rights Commission for their ongoing “hate speech.” This despite University of Toronto president David Naylor’s own admission that the term “Israeli Apartheid” had been sent to the Toronto Police’s Hate Crimes Unit and that they found no basis unto which to label the term `hate.’ Turning the Tide The Israel at 60 celebrations have given the Zionist movement ample time and opportunity to mobilize their constituency and the public around the issues pertaining to Israel’s perceived success and challenges. Yet, even their celebrations are facing boycotts. Palestinian citizens of Israel have refused to take part, participating instead in commemorations of the Nakba. Over 100 Palestinian organizations have called for boycotts, and international cultural festivals are now routinely marred by controversy, opposition and boycott when attempting to `celebrate’ the 60 years of Palestinian dispossession and ethnic-cleansing on which the Israeli state was founded. The celebrations, like much of the programming undertaken to counter the work done by the solidarity movement has as its aim the elimination from public discussion of any references to refugees, or their inherent right of return. They want to eliminate discussion of settler colonialism and ethnic cleansing in Palestine, a practice that is ongoing. Above all, the understanding of Israel as an apartheid state, which has served to put all these other policies into a coherent historical context, is to be sidelined from public discussion. Repressive efforts towards these ends are ongoing, but are assured no guarantee of success. Opposition to Israeli apartheid has grown significantly, and Zionist propaganda efforts look increasingly desperate as they either try to avoid the issue of apartheid, or counter it with the superficialities of life for Palestinian citizens of the state of Israel. Nevertheless, this counter-mobilization is something that must be discussed and combated. The Zionist movement is increasingly resorting to intimidation, repression and bureaucratic measures that are closing space for debate, organizing and action on our campuses and in our communities. It is imperative that the left and progressive movements in Canada understand this, draw the appropriate conclusions, and act accordingly. • Zac Smith is an activist with the Coalition Against Israeli Apartheid (CAIA).

April 26, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | Israel, Palestine, politics, zionism | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | No Comments

Karbala’, an Enduring Paradigm of Islamic Revivalism

Karbala

 

The martyrdom of Imam Husayn ibn ‘Ali (’a) and his companions in Karbala’ proved to be the beginning of the downfall of the Banu Umayyah dynasty which had usurped the Islamic khilafah by deceit, repression, and corruption of the Muslim community. Though the Imam (’a) was martyred with his family and companions, and apparently his murderers seemed to emerge winners from the conflict, it was the martyr of Karbala’ who was the real victor. The mourning ceremonies that have been held through the last fourteen hundred years to commemorate this most significant event in the history of Islam are generally known as Muharram ceremonies, as they are held during the month of Muharram in remembrance of the ‘Ashura’ movement. This incident has its background whose elaborate details have been given by Muslim historians and I need not cite them here. Briefly, it may be said that Imam Husayn’s revolt, staged against the tyranny, injustice, and repression of the regime and torture and execution of pious Muslims, which violated the Islamic concept of a just Islamic polity and society, was to uphold the ideals and values of Islam propounded in the Qur’an and the traditions of the Prophet (S), to rescue the higher human values, moral, social, political and spiritual, and to preserve the true spirit of Islam. It was basically aimed by the martyred Imam (’a) to rescue Islam as the message of the last Prophet, a message that had to endure, not only in the hearts and spirits of saints but on the plane of society, and he achieved his purpose most completely. The episode of Karbala’ became the everlasting stage on which, more than anything else, the great spirit of an Imam of the Ahl al-Bayt was put for eternal display, not in mere words or traditions recorded in books, but against the background of the greatest tragedy in human history and scenes of love and loyalty, bravery and sacrifice, nobility and high spirituality, blood and battle, and also those of treachery and betrayal, human abasement and wretchedness, perversity and depravity. Due to his refusal to compromise with godlessness and tyranny, the Imam has been remembered as the very embodiment of tawhid, of la ilaha illallah, by all great Islamic mystics, thinkers, writers and poets. In the words of the great Indian Sufi of Iranian origin, Khwajah Mu’in-al-Din Chishti:

He gave his life but wouldn’t give his hand in the hand of Yazid (for allegiance, bay’ah)
Verily Husayn is the foundation of la ilaha illallah [2]
Mahmoud Ayoub in his study of the devotional aspects of ‘Ashura’, Redemptive Suffering in Islam, justifiably interprets the Imam’s message to Muslims as a call for enjoining good and prohibiting evil. In a will he made to Muhammad ibn Hanafiyyah while departing from Makkah, the Imam declares:
Indeed, I have not risen up to do mischief, neither as an adventurer, nor to cause corruption and tyranny. I have risen up solely to seek the reform of the Ummah of my grandfather (S). I want to command what is good and stop what is wrong, and (in this) I follow the conduct of my grandfather and my father, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib.
In a letter that he wrote to the people of Kufah, in a short sentence he outlines the Islamic concept of a worthy ruler:
By my life, the leader is one who acts in accordance with the Scripture, upholds justice in society, conducts its affairs according to what is righteous, and dedicates his self to God. Was-salam.
Addressing Hurr ibn Yazid Riyahi and his troops, who had been dispatched by ‘Ubaydullah ibn Ziyad, the infamous governor of Kufah, to intercept the Imam’s caravan on the way and to stop him from entering Kufah, Imam Husayn (’a) quotes this tradition of the Prophet (s), which states the duty of Muslims vis-a-vis corrupt and un-lslamic rulers:
O people! Verily the Messenger of Allah (s) said: “Whoever observes a sovereign legalizing what God has made unlawful, violating the covenant of God, opposing the Sunnah of the Messenger of God, and treating the creatures of God sinfully and oppressively, and does not oppose him with his speech and action, God has a right to bring him to the same fate as that of the tyrant.” Indeed, these people (i.e. Yazid and the ruling Umayyads) have committed themselves to the following of Satan, and abandoned obedience to God. They have given currency to corruption and abolished the Islamic laws, plundering the public treasury, making lawful what God has forbidden and forbidding what God has permitted. And I, of all people, have a greater right to act [in accordance with the Prophet's exhortation].
On reaching Karbala’, a point where they had been forced to discontinue their journey and to disembark on the orders of Ibn Ziyad, the Imam stood up to address his companions. In that sermon he declares that life under tyranny is not worthy of man, unless the people rise in an attempt to restore the higher values.
Don’t you see that what is true and right is not acted upon and what is false and wrong is not forbidden? In such a situation, the man of faith yearns for the meeting wit’, his Lord. Indeed, (in such conditions) to me death is happiness, and life under the yoke of tyrants is disgrace.
Giving the details of Imam Husayn’s refusal to accept a tyrannical and unjust ruler, starting from his journey from Madinah to Makkah and afterwards through its various stages until the Imam reached Karbala’, the scene of his battle and martyrdom, historians refers to verses which are said to have been recited by the Imam on the night of the 10th of Muharram (the day of ‘Ashura’):
O Time (dahr), fie on you of a friend.
How many are those you claim at the morn and eventide.
Many a friend, and many a one seeking revenge,
Yet Time is not satisfied with a substitute or proxy.
Truly judgement belongs to the Glorious One;
And every living soul takes the path [of death].
It is important to note that the Imam’s address to Time inspired a number of Muslim thinkers to propound a new revolutionary concept of Time with reference to the Qur’anic verses in the Surat al-’Asr. The Imam did not actually vilify time, but he condemned the time-servers. Otherwise Time, as interpreted by Iqbal, the contemporary philosopher poet of the Indian subcontinent, is, in the light of the Qur’an and the Prophetic traditions, an expression and manifestation of the continuing process of God’s creativity as well as the creativity of the human being. While addressing Time, Imam Husayn (’a) indicated that man is not a time-server but time is at the service of man. He proved by his example that man has the power to turn the tide of time and he actually did it.

The tragedy of Karbala’, which was in the words of Imam Khumayni the symbol of blood’s triumph-the blood of the martyrs-over the sword, transformed not only the history of Islam but also human history for ever. Husayn (’a) initiated a movement that proved to be an archetype representing an eternal struggle of truth against falsehood, justice against injustice and tyranny, human dignity against dehumanization, the revolt of the oppressed against oppressors, and overpowering of the strong by society’s weak. The unlslamic rule of the Umayyads was challenged after him by his followers and descendants, such as Zayd ibn ‘Ali, Yahya ibn Zayd, and before them by Mukhtar al-Thaqafi and the Tawwabin, which created a ferment that finally resulted in the overthrow of the Umayyads and the coming to power of Banu ‘Abbas, who deceitfully claimed to avenge the martyrdom of Husayn (’a) and to advocate his revolutionary mission.

However, this movement continued to be inspired by the message of ‘Ashura’ during the reign of the ‘Abbasid caliphs and afterwards. The emergence of Shi’i Sufi movements, like those of the Sarbidaran, the Nuqtawis, and the Mar’ashis, as well as the Fatimi-lsmaiili sects, culminated in the victory of the Safawi Sufi order in Iran, who made it a point that the ‘Ashura’ movement should continue as an inspiring force and dynamic principle in Muslim polity and society. It were the Safawis during whose reign the ‘Ashura’ commemoration ceremonies took a particular shape.

The remembrance of the tragedy of Karbala’ as a ritual did not remain confined to Iran and Iraq, but also influenced the socio-political and cultural life of Muslims in the Indian sub-continent. As a result of this, in India, particularly in Avadh, there developed a culture that was inspired by the spirit of ‘Ashura’ which was all-embracing. Other Muslim sects and even non- Muslims came under the cultural influence of this movement.

Unfortunately this movement, which represented a resurgence of the ‘Ashura’ culture in literature and other art forms, gradually degenerated in the course of time in Iran, Iraq, and the sub-continent, losing its revolutionary spirit. One of the greatest contributions of Imam Khumayni is that he recreated and revived the spirit of ‘Ashura’ through his messages against the despotic Pahlavi rule and the exploitive domination of alien powers over Muslims throughout the world. Some of his disciples and contemporaries have also contributed to this ‘Ashura’ic resurgence of Islam, Shari’ati and Mutahhari in particular. Imam Khumayni and other champions of the revolutionary ideology of Islam in Iran made use of the traditional ritual ‘Ashura’ ceremonies to reach the common Muslim masses for effectively conveying their message to the grassroots of the Muslim society.

There have been various attempts in the Muslim world to reinterpret and reconstruct Islamic ideology to meet the challenges of time. Ghazali demolished what was in his view unlslamic in the ideas of Muslim philosophers; Jamaluddin Asadabadi, popularly known as Afghani, emphasized the importance of ijtihad and propagated a pan-lslamic ideology; his followers in Egypt and the Arab world, particularly Muhammad ‘Abduh, Rashid Rida’ and others, revived the practice of ijtihad in the Sunni world. Before them, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi and Shah Waliullah had made attempts to awaken Muslims to the needs of the time and revive the Islamic spirit. In the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Iqbal tried to reconstruct Islamic beliefs according to the challenges of the time and the ascendant supremacy of science and Western philosophy. In the words of Iqbal, all the earlier Muslim thinkers had failed in their mission because they destroyed the prevalent philosophies but could not reconstruct Islamic ideas on a secure ground, and they failed to influence the Muslim society in general.

This failure, in my view, is due to these thinkers’ inability to reach the Muslim masses and convey their message to them in a popular idiom. The success of Imam Khumayni and the other ideologues of revolutionary Iran found the popular platform of the Muharram ceremonies as a convenient weapon against the repressive Pahlavi rulers, imperialism and Western domination, particularly the exploitive American dominance of the East, to awaken Muslim masses and revive in them the spirit of martyrdom inspired by the episode of Karbala’. Because of this they succeeded in their movement, while others had failed to achieve the desired end.

Imam Khumayni not only rekindled the flame hidden in the hearts of the pupils of ‘Ashura’ culture, but also vehemently criticized the so-called ‘ulama’ and fuqaha’ who, as time-servers, interpreted Islam and Islamic laws according to the convenience of the rulers and the exploiting class.

One who makes a study of al-Kawthar, a selection in two volumes of the speeches of Imam Khumayni, as well his writings on the Islamic government, in particular his lectures on wilayat-e faqih, one would be surprised to find that the most vehement criticism of Muslim clerics, Shi’i and Sunni, was made by a Muslim scholar. It was because Imam Khumayni understood profoundly the spirit of the ‘Ashura’ movement and was angry that the so-called ‘ulama’ and rawdeh-khwans had transformed its true spirit into a mere ritual of lamentation over the martyrdom of Husayn (’a) and his companions, making it a regular means of their livelihood. He criticized and condemned these persons and rejuvenated the true spirit of ‘Ashura’ among the Muslim masses, who were sincerely devoted to Muharram ceremonies. These ceremonies provided him with the most effective weapon to propagate his message based on the Islamic values of justice and truth. Had there been no such platform to reach the masses, he might have also failed in his attempt to revive true Islamic values and reawaken the Muslim masses. It was here that the secret of his success lay. The important milestones of his movement could not have been covered without taking recourse to ‘Ashura’.

The tragic event of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (’a) at Karbala’ deeply influenced the tide of time in various ways, in the fields of philosophy, kalam, political thought, social reform, and cultural resurgence of the Muslim world. In India (and also Pakistan and Bangladesh), a culture developed that was inspired and motivated by the ‘Ashura’ movement. Even during the period of Muslim decadence that culture has, in the words of Iqbal, produced the cream of Muslim poetry and literature in the form of the elegies (marathi) in Urdu, which have exercised a great influence on the Indo-Muslim culture, an influence that extended to non-Muslim communities as well. Presently one can find the influence of the ‘Ashura’ movement in this region even in non-Muslim literature and culture. Even in the so-called progressive (Marxist and modern) literature, particularly poetry, one can find Karbala’ and ‘Ashura’ used as metaphors to depict the present reality. All these aspects may be elaborated in the form of a lengthy article or even a book, but here, for the purpose of brevity, I would abstain from going into details.

Of course, there emerged some movements in the Muslim world inspired by the ‘Ashura’, but could not leave a lasting effect and died away after a short time. Imam Khumayni’s success in bringing about the Islamic Revolution in Iran and, through it, influencing the entire Muslims world, lies in the fact that he made the ‘Ashura’ movement the prime mover of a continuing process in human history for evolving a better society that could safeguard the principles of justice, social equity, and the cultural independence of the East. The impact of the ‘Ashura’ movement on Muslim polity and culture and its role in changing and moulding the history of Islam and the world may be discussed in detail under various heads such as: its impact on Muslim theology (’ilm al-kalam), mysticism, and philosophy, its impact on socio-economic reforms in the Muslim world, its impact on political upheavals in the Muslim world, and its impact on culture, literature, fine arts and other creative expressions of Muslim ethos. Imam Khumayni played the most influential role in our times in translating the revolutionary and creative potential of this movement into reality through his writings, speeches, leadership, and his reinterpretation of the fundamental principle of “enjoining good and prohibiting evil.”

It is necessary to elaborate certain significant aspects of the commemoration ceremonies of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (’a). Generally these ceremonies are viewed from two angles: one is the spiritual, pietistic angle that considers them a means of catharsis and redemption; the other is the socio-political approach that regards it as instrumental in the realization of the Islamic ideals for which the great sacrifice (dibh-e ‘azim) was made.

The former approach, which treats the ‘Ashura’ rituals from a pietistic angle, gives importance to mourning, lamenting, breasting beating in remembrance of the mazlum Imam and considers sorrow as the means of participating in the sufferings of the Imam (’a), his family, and companions. This approach is supported by the traditions of the Imams (’a) of the Prophet’s Family. There are traditions that emphasize that the tragedy of Karbala’ was predestined and all prophets of God from Adam to the Seal of the Prophets (S) had been informed of the sacrifice of Husayn (’a) through Gabrael in advance. They themselves mourned and made it obigatory for all believers to mourn and be sorrowful in the remembrance of this great tragedy. Fatimah al-Zahra’ (’a), the bereaved mother of Husayn (’a), is believed to be the host of the mourning observances, and she is the main addressee of all expressions of sorrow and the condolences that are offered, in this world as well as the other world, and, it believed, she will intercede in favour of her son’s mourners on the Day of Judgement.

Authentic traditions record that Imam ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn Zayn al- ‘Abidin (’a) mourned his father and his companions throughout his life after Karbala’. He was present at the site of the tragedy and witnessed all the sufferings of his father. Moreover, he had to shoulder the responsibility of taking care of the womenfolk and children of his family after ‘Ashura’ and he passed through the tribulations of the journey of the captive family of the Prophet (S) from Karbala’ to Kufah and from Kufah to Damascus, putting up with all the humiliation with exemplary equanimity, patience, and firmness of character. He is regarded by the Sufis as one of their early great masters, who also emphasized the value of God’s fear and sorrow for the sake of purifying the heart and soul. His collection of supplications, known as al-Sahifat al-Sajjadiyyah or al-Sahifat al-kamilah, is a valuable source of ma’rifah and high spirituality.

The other great mourner of Karbala’ was Imam Husayn’s sister, Zaynab, known as “Zaynab-e Kubra” and “Thani-e Zahra” (i.e. the Second Fatimah). She bore the martyrdom of her two young sons, ‘Awn and Muhammad, without shedding a tear, but was the first to mourn her brother. After the episode of Karbala’, Imam Sajjad and Zaynab made continuous efforts to create the institution of mourning for the martyred Imam as a vehicle for the revolutionary message of Islam against perverse socio-political conditions that negated the Islamic ideal of a healthy society ruled by committed and competent leaders. The institution of mourning over Imam Husayn became a vehicle for the propagation of almost everything that Islam stood for. It was not the martyrdom of an ordinary moral, no matter however pious or saintly. It was the martyrdom of an Infallible Imam and the greatest wali and vicegerent of God and the God-appointed heir to the Prophet’s authority and spirituality. To those who understood the sublime spiritual station of Husayn ibn ‘Ali it was as if the Prophet himself had been martyred at Karbala’. And what greater calamity could be imagined? As the martyred Imam represented the highest embodiment of Islam, his martyrdom was the greatest crime that could be perpetrated against Islam and God.

As we know, the chiefs and elders of Quraysh had conspired to murder the Prophet (S) on the night of his migration to Madinah. Acting out a plan aimed to mislead the waiting assassins, ‘Ali ibn Abl Talib slept on the Prophet’s bed that night, while the Prophet (S) left the town. Later, for a decade, the Quraysh, led by Banu Umayyah, and in particular Abu Sufyan, unrelenting in their hostility against Islam and its prophet, made repeated attempts to annihilate the Muslim community in Madinah, which formed the nucleus of the expanding revolutionary creed. When these attempts did not succeed, they joined the fold of Islam, and this time all their efforts were aimed to recapture the supremacy they had lost due to the Prophet’s movement and to destroy Islam from within. The martyrdom of Imam Husayn and his companions at Karbala’ was viewed by Banu Umayyah as a great victory in the course of a long struggle against Islam and its prophet. Their sense of triumph is reflect in the following verses of Ibn al-Ziba’ra that Yazid is reported by historians to have recited when, after the battle Karbala’, Imam ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn (’a) and the women and children of the Prophet’s family were brought as captives into his court at Damascus:

Alas! Had only my elders that were slain at Badr,
seen the torments of Khazraj by the edge of the sword.
They would have cried ‘hurra!’ and given cries of joy,
and said: Bravo, O Yazid, for what you have done!
We have killed the elect of their chiefs,
avenging by his death, the viclims of Badr.
The clan of Hashim dallied with kingdom,
and there was neither any revelations nor any news from the heavens.
I am not of Khindif should I fail to take revenge,
from the family of Ahmad for what they have done.
As can be seen, the vengeful spirit that pervades these verses is one that characterized the pagan Arab tribes of the Jahiliyyah. It is a base spirit that still wallows in the loyalties and attachments of a barbaric tribal society that is a stranger to the message of Islam of a universal creed based on higher moral and spiritual values.

Besides mourning for the martyrs, ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn (’a), Zaynab (’a) and her younger sister, Umm KulthEm, made very forceful orations describing the sufferings of ‘Ashura’ and its aftermath that moved the listeners to tears. These orations and elegies composed by Zaynab (’a) and ‘Umm Kulthum (’a) extempore exercised great influence on the Muslims and were instrumental in propagating the message of ‘Ashura’ and the message of Imam Husayn’s sacrifice. These may be taken as the early foundations of the ‘Ashura’ movement and beginnings of the mourning ceremonies.

There are equally authentic traditions of Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq (’a) and Imam ‘Ali al-Rida (’a) exhorting their followers regarding the observance of mourning in remembrance of Imam Husayn (’a) and his companions as a means of redemption. In traditions ascribed to the Prophet (S), Fatimah (’a) and the Imams (’a) of the Prophet’s family there is another significant aspect to be taken note of. A recurring theme that characterizes them is that not only the prophets and the angles mourned the martyrdom of Imam Husayn and his companions, but also the whole cosmos mourned this tragedy. Strong winds began to blow on that tenth of Muharram and when the Imam was beheaded after he fell in the field of battle, there arose tides in rivers and oceans as if they would flood the entire earth, the stars collided, the sun was eclipsed, mountains moved from their places and the seven heavens rained blood, as blood gushed forth from the ground. Such descriptions of the effect of Imam Husayn’s martyrdom on the whole order of being persuade his devotees to participate in a mourning ritual that encompasses all the natural and supranatural realms. If not taken literally, these traditions may be treated as metaphorical expressions of a tragedy possessing cosmic dimensions. There is no doubt that these traditions served as the source of inspiration for the devotees and made them feel one with the whole universe and its purpose

By: Sayyid Wahid Akhtar

April 17, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | Uncategorized | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | No Comments

Dr. Sami al-Arian put in the SHU

Sami al-Arian

 

VIRGINIA– At 1 a.m. on Saturday, Dr. Sami Al-Arian was moved by hostile prison guards from a regular holding cell at the Howard County Detention Center in Jessup, Maryland, to the “Special Housing Unit.”
The SHU is an extremely punitive and restrictive section of the prison where inmates are placed in solitary confinement 23 hours a day, usually in freezing temperatures. Prisoners are normally moved there for violating prison rules. However, in the case of Dr. Al-Arian, he has always been placed there without reason or any explanation. In the SHU, prisoners are subjected to continuous, deafening alarm sounds and have little contact with the outside world. With no medical supervision, this is an extremely dangerous place for Dr. Al-Arian to be during his hunger strike, which is on its 41st day. Dr. Al-Arian was also held in solitary confinement for 37 months before and during his trial. This was a deliberate attempt by the government to break him down physically and psychologically and to prevent him from preparing for his trial.

Amnesty International has written several letters decrying the prison conditions of Dr. Al-Arian, calling his treatment “gratuitously punitive” and “inconsistent with international standards for humane treatment.”

The Tampa Bay Coalition for Justice and Peace urges all conscientious individuals and organizations to contact the Howard County Detention Center and call for humane treatment of Dr. Al-Arian. We also call on
media outlets to cover these abuses, which so far have received no attention.

full article

April 16, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | america, politics | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | No Comments

Pork in Pepsi and Coke

No more Pepsi? Why do they have to put pork items into soda? What is the world coming to?

coke v. pepsi

 

An Iraqi ayatollah has issued a religious decree prohibiting Muslims from trafficking in the carbonated beverages Pepsi and Coca Cola.

Ayatollah Sheikh Qasim Attayi, a prominent cleric in Najaf, has called on all Muslims to refrain from consuming, selling or importing the drinks, IRNA reported Monday
.

The fatwa was issued after a study confirmed that a key element in Pepsi and Coca Cola is an extract of pig intestines, which is forbidden in Islam.

Delhi University ’s Science and Technology Center in India had earlier demonstrated that the two beverages contain pepsin from pork stomachs.

Pepsin is a digestive protease released by the stomach to change food proteins into peptides.

Source

April 15, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | Islam | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Plagiarism, Cover Up and Misrepresentations: The Case Against Alan Dershowitz

The Whole Finkelstein case is a case example of free speech being eradicated in the American society. All he did was speak out against Israel- that was his only crime: a crime that destroyed his academic career.

Norman Finkelstein

Plagiarism, Cover Up and Misrepresentations: The Case Against Alan Dershowitz

By FRANK J. MENETREZ

In June 2007, DePaul University denied tenure to Norman Finkelstein, an assistant professor of political science. The decision ignited a firestorm of protest from DePaul students and faculty, as well as from
faculty across the country and abroad. Finkelstein’s department had voted 9-3 in favor of tenure, and a college-level committee unanimously joined that recommendation, 5-0. But the University Board on Promotion and Tenure (UBPT) voted 4-3 against tenure, and DePaul’s president claimed to “find no compelling reasons to overturn the UBPT’s decision.”

The tenure denial was a great victory for Harvard Law School’s Professor Alan Dershowitz, who had been campaigning vigorously against Finkelstein at least since the fall of 2006. The feud between Dershowitz and Finkelstein began when Finkelstein claimed that Dershowitz’s book The Case for Israel (2003) was partially plagiarized and wholly false. Finkelstein eventually published his critique as part of a book of his own, entitled Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (2005). Dershowitz responded to Finkelstein’s charges in his book The Case for Peace (2005).

In September 2006, as Finkelstein’s tenure review got underway, Dershowitz sent a 7-page, single-spaced letter, plus 14 single-spaced pages of supporting materials, to the former chairman of Finkelstein’s
department, arguing that Finkelstein’s “purported scholarship” consists of nothing but “ugly and false assertions” and “preposterous and discredited ad hominem attack[s].” Dershowitz sent a similar but
even larger packet of materials-totaling over 60 pages-to a large but unknown number of members of DePaul’s faculty and administration, including every professor at the law school.

Those basic facts about the dispute are now fairly well known. What is not so well known is that there is compelling evidence that Dershowitz himself committed academic misconduct both before and in the course of his intervention in Finkelstein’s tenure case. I present that evidence below, along with some reflections on its ramifications for both DePaul and Harvard. In the end, this is not merely a story about two
professors who dislike each other. It is a scandal implicating the leading institution of higher learning in the United States.

full article

April 15, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | politics, zionism | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | No Comments

Jewish Group Demands YouTube Purge “Anti-Semitic” Videos

I wonder if they will purge this blog as well? I guess it will come to a time that you wont be able to be critical against Zionism and the state of Israel even on the internet. It is interesting that in most of the countries that claim to have free speech one can be imprisoned for speaking out against the Zionist state.

google

 

Hamburg — Germany’s national Jewish body said Thursday it has filed suit against YouTube and its parent company Google, demanding a court order for the site to be permanently purged of anti-Semitic videos.

Stephan Kramer, secretary general of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, said in Hamburg, “we charge Google with aiding and abetting racial hatred and discrimination on its YouTube video-platform subsidiary.

“We applied this week for an injunction from a court in Hamburg.”

He said one example was a video clip that showed a late president of the Central Council, Paul Spiegel, being burned alive. He charged that it had been available for download for months on end.

YouTube allows users to flag videos as inappropriate, leading to a review by YouTube editors who can delete videos that breach the platform’s terms of use.

source

April 15, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | politics, zionism | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 6 Comments

Empire or Humanity?

Empire or Humanity?
What the classroom didn’t teach me about the American empire

Howard Zinn
By Howard Zinn
“The American Empire has always been a bipartisan project – Democrats and Republicans have taken turns extending it, extolling it, justifying it. President Woodrow Wilson told graduates of the Naval Academy in 1914 (the year he bombarded Mexico) that the U.S. used “her Navy and her Army … as the instruments of civilization, not as the instruments of aggression.” And Bill Clinton, in 1992, told West Point graduates: “The values you learned here … will be able to spread throughout the country and throughout the world.”
“The motive of the U.S. establishment…was described early in 1941 by Henry Luce, multi-millionaire owner of Time, Life, and Fortune magazines, as the coming of “The American Century.” The time had arrived, he said, for the United States “to exert upon the world the full impact of our influence, for such purposes as we see fit, and by such means as we see fit.” 
 With an occupying army waging war in Iraq and Afghanistan, with military bases and corporate bullying in every part of the world, there is hardly a question any more of the existence of an American Empire. Indeed, the once fervent denials have turned into a boastful, unashamed embrace of the idea.
However, the very idea that the United States was an empire did not occur to me until after I finished my work as a bombardier with the Eighth Air Force in the Second World War and came home. Even as I began to have second thoughts about the purity of the “Good War,” even after being horrified by Hiroshima and Nagasaki, even after rethinking my own bombing of towns in Europe, I still did not put all that together in the context of an American “Empire.”
I was conscious, like everyone, of the British Empire and the other imperial powers of Europe, but the United States was not seen in the same way. When, after the war, I went to college under the G.I. Bill of Rights and took courses in U.S. history, I usually found a chapter in the history texts called “The Age of Imperialism.” It invariably referred to the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the conquest of the Philippines that followed. It seemed that American imperialism lasted only a relatively few years. There was no overarching view of U.S. expansion that might lead to the idea of a more far-ranging empire – or period of “imperialism.”
I recall the classroom map (labeled “Western Expansion”) which presented the march across the continent as a natural, almost biological phenomenon. That huge acquisition of land called “The Louisiana Purchase” hinted at nothing but vacant land acquired. There was no sense that this territory had been occupied by hundreds of Indian tribes which would have to be annihilated or forced from their homes – what we now call “ethnic cleansing” – so that whites could settle the land, and later railroads could crisscross it, presaging “civilization” and its brutal discontents.
Neither the discussions of “Jacksonian democracy” in history courses, nor the popular book by Arthur Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Jackson, told me about the “Trail of Tears,” the deadly forced march of “the five civilized tribes” westward from Georgia and Alabama across the Mississippi, leaving 4,000 dead in their wake. No treatment of the Civil War mentioned the Sand Creek massacre of hundreds of Indian villagers in Colorado just as “emancipation” was proclaimed for black people by Lincoln’s administration. 
That classroom map also had a section to the south and west labeled “Mexican Cession.” This was a handy euphemism for the aggressive war against Mexico in 1846 in which the United States seized half of that country’s land, giving us California and the great Southwest. The term “Manifest Destiny,” used at that time, soon of course became more universal. On the eve of the Spanish-American War in 1898, the Washington Post saw beyond Cuba: “We are face to face with a strange destiny. The taste of Empire is in the mouth of the people even as the taste of blood in the jungle.”
The violent march across the continent, and even the invasion of Cuba, appeared to be within a natural sphere of U.S. interest. After all, hadn’t the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 declared the Western Hemisphere to be under our protection? But with hardly a pause after Cuba came the invasion of the Philippines, halfway around the world. The word “imperialism” now seemed a fitting one for U.S. actions. Indeed, that long, cruel war – treated quickly and superficially in the history books – gave rise to an Anti-Imperialist League, in which William James and Mark Twain were leading figures. But this was not something I learned in university either.

 

April 14, 2008 Posted by Abu Zaynab | Uncategorized | , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | No Comments